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Military Hides Cause of Women Soldiers' Deaths
Marjorie Cohn, t r u t h o u t
January 30, 2006
In a
startling revelation, the former commander of Abu Ghraib prison
testified that Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, former senior US military
commander in Iraq, gave orders to cover up the cause of death for some
female American soldiers serving in Iraq.
Last week, Col. Janis Karpinski told a panel of
judges at the Commission of Inquiry for Crimes against Humanity
Committed by the Bush Administration in New York that several women had
died of dehydration because they refused to drink liquids late in the
day. They were afraid of being assaulted or even raped by male soldiers
if they had to use the women's latrine after dark.
The latrine for female soldiers at Camp Victory
wasn't located near their barracks, so they had to go outside if they
needed to use the bathroom. "There were no lights near any of their
facilities, so women were doubly easy targets in the dark of the
night," Karpinski told retired US Army Col. David Hackworth in a
September 2004 interview. It was there that male soldiers assaulted and
raped women soldiers. So the women took matters into their own hands.
They didn't drink in the late afternoon so they wouldn't have to
urinate at night. They didn't get raped. But some died of dehydration
in the desert heat, Karpinski said.
Karpinski testified that a surgeon for the
coalition's joint task force said in a briefing that "women in fear of
getting up in the hours of darkness to go out to the port-a-lets or the
latrines were not drinking liquids after 3 or 4 in the afternoon, and
in 120 degree heat or warmer, because there was no air-conditioning at
most of the facilities, they were dying from dehydration in their
sleep."
"And rather than make everybody aware of that -
because that's shocking, and as a leader if that's not shocking to you
then you're not much of a leader - what they told the surgeon to do is
don't brief those details anymore. And don't say specifically that
they're women. You can provide that in a written report but don't brief
it in the open anymore."
For example, Maj. Gen. Walter Wojdakowski, Sanchez's
top deputy in Iraq, saw "dehydration" listed as the cause of death on
the death certificate of a female master sergeant in September 2003.
Under orders from Sanchez, he directed that the cause of death no
longer be listed, Karpinski stated. The official explanation for this
was to protect the women's privacy rights.
Sanchez's attitude was: "The women asked to be here,
so now let them take what comes with the territory," Karpinski quoted
him as saying. Karpinski told me that Sanchez, who was her boss, was
very sensitive to the political ramifications of everything he did. She
thinks it likely that when the information about the cause of these
women's deaths was passed to the Pentagon, Donald Rumsfeld ordered that
the details not be released. "That's how Rumsfeld works," she said.
"It was out of control," Karpinski told a group of
students at Thomas Jefferson School of Law last October. There was an
800 number women could use to report sexual assaults. But no one had a
phone, she added. And no one answered that number, which was based in
the United States. Any woman who successfully connected to it would get
a recording. Even after more than 83 incidents were reported during a
six-month period in Iraq and Kuwait, the 24-hour rape hot line was
still answered by a machine that told callers to leave a message.
"There were countless such situations all over the
theater of operations - Iraq and Kuwait - because female soldiers
didn't have a voice, individually or collectively," Karpinski told
Hackworth. "Even as a general I didn't have a voice with Sanchez, so I
know what the soldiers were facing. Sanchez did not want to hear about
female soldier requirements and/or issues."
Karpinski was the highest officer reprimanded for
the Abu Ghraib torture scandal, although the details of interrogations
were carefully hidden from her. Demoted from Brigadier General to
Colonel, Karpinski feels she was chosen as a scapegoat because she was
a female.
Sexual assault in the US military has become a hot
topic in the last few years, "not just because of the high number of
rapes and other assaults, but also because of the tendency to cover up
assaults and to harass or retaliate against women who report assaults,"
according to Kathy Gilberd, co-chair of the National Lawyers Guild's
Military Law Task Force.
This problem has become so acute that the Army has set up its own sexual assault web site.
In February 2004, Rumsfeld directed the Under
Secretary of Defense for Personnel and Readiness to undertake a 90-day
review of sexual assault policies. "Sexual assault will not be
tolerated in the Department of Defense," Rumsfeld declared.
The 99-page report was issued in April 2004. It
affirmed, "The chain of command is responsible for ensuring that
policies and practices regarding crime prevention and security are in
place for the safety of service members." The rates of reported alleged
sexual assault were 69.1 and 70.0 per 100,000 uniformed service members
in 2002 and 2003. Yet those rates were not directly comparable to rates
reported by the Department of Justice, due to substantial differences
in the definition of sexual assault.
Notably, the report found that low sociocultural
power (i.e., age, education, race/ethnicity, marital status) and low
organizational power (i.e., pay grade and years of active duty service)
were associated with an increased likelihood of both sexual assault and
sexual harassment.
The Department of Defense announced a new policy on
sexual assault prevention and response on January 3, 2005. It was a
reaction to media reports and public outrage about sexual assaults
against women in the US military in Iraq and Afghanistan, and ongoing
sexual assaults and cover-ups at the Air Force Academy in Colorado,
Gilberd said. As a result, Congress demanded that the military review
the problem, and the Defense Authorization Act of 2005 required a new
policy be put in place by January 1.
The policy is a series of very brief "directive-type
memoranda" for the Secretaries of the military services from the Under
Secretary of Defense for Personnel and Readiness. "Overall, the policy
emphasizes that sexual assault harms military readiness, that education
about sexual assault policy needs to be increased and repeated, and
that improvements in response to sexual assaults are necessary to make
victims more willing to report assaults," Gilberd notes.
"Unfortunately," she added "analysis of the issues is shallow, and the
plans for addressing them are limited."
Commands can reject the complaints if they decide
they aren't credible, and there is limited protection against
retaliation against the women who come forward, according to Gilberd.
"People who report assaults still face command disbelief, illegal
efforts to protect the assaulters, informal harassment from assaulters,
their friends or the command itself," she said.
But most shameful is Sanchez's cover-up of the
dehydration deaths of women that occurred in Iraq. Sanchez is no
stranger to outrageous military orders. He was heavily involved in the
torture scandal that surfaced at Abu Ghraib. Sanchez approved the use
of unmuzzled dogs and the insertion of prisoners head-first into
sleeping bags after which they are tied with an electrical cord and
their are mouths covered. At least one person died as the result of the
sleeping bag technique. Karpinski charges that Sanchez attempted to
hide the torture after the hideous photographs became public.
Sanchez reportedly plans to retire soon, according
to an article in the International Herald Tribune earlier this month.
But Rumsfeld recently considered elevating the 3-star general to a
4-star. The Tribune also reported that Brig. Gen. Vincent Brooks, the
Army's chief spokesman, said in an email message, "The Army leaders do
have confidence in LTG Sanchez."
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