COUNTERING MILITARY RECRUITMENT
Articles: Military Recruiting: Youth of Color
I Have a Quota of Kids to Recruit, So What the Hell?
SAUL LANDAU, counterpunch.com
December 3/4, 2005
In the faculty dining room at the California State University where Iteach, a Mexican-American woman places thin slices of turkey on bread.
Stress lines radiate down from her high cheekbones. One of her sons left
last week for Iraq. "I pray every day," she says, smearing mayonnaise
on bread.
"Why did he join the military?"
She smiles, resigned to her lack of control over an adolescent growing
up in a combat culture. "He's a good boy. I ask God to return him to
me," she says.
"What can I do? I'm desperate."
Desperation describes the mood of hundreds of thousands of Latino
parents whose kids serve in war zones of Afghanistan and Iraq. It also
describes the actual situation of those once confident imperial managers who
have gotten 200,000 young men and women stuck in two quagmires without
an exit strategy.
Bush's wars and the subsequent occupation of Iraq have clearly divided
the nation and fomented anti-Americanism throughout the world. They
have also strained the resources of the mighty Pentagon. The
2005-6 "Defense Budget" of $640+ billion--counting the Intelligence
budget--comes to almost twice what the rest of the world spends on
"defense."
Until the 21st Century Middle East wars, the military casually filled
its recruiting quota from amongst poor youth around the country.
National Guard service appeared attractive since the chances of having to
engage in an actual war seemed remote. But after Bush invaded Afghanistan
and Iraq and discovered that he had insufficient troops to occupy both
places, he called up more than 100,000 National Guard troops and
launched an aggressive recruiting campaign. But the growing dead and wounded
count filtered through the Administration's optimistic spin. Even the
usually gullible teenagers began to think twice about "joining up."
Over the last decades, the Pentagon has raised salaries and increased
benefits top attract a non-draft army. In less than twenty years,
salaries have leaped up to four times. In 1981, a low-ranking private earned
less than $4,500 a year. Today, that same rank comes with a salary of
almost $15,000. A corporal, two short grades up, leaped from $5,000 to
$22,000. In addition, he or she gets free food, housing and
clothing--uniform--and discounts on most consumer goods.
Officers without post graduate degrees can earn up to $125,000 and
enjoy privileges like ski resorts in the Alps. For the first time in its
history, the United States had a large, standing professional army.
Yet, in 2003, despite increases in salaries and bonuses--and other
promises of free training and education -- offered by the armed forces, the
recruiters fell short of their quotas. The slogan "be all you can be in
the army" did not convince those who knew of or heard of stories
involving friends and family members getting killed or permanently disabled.
The body count and wounded numbers rose in the war zones. By late
November, more than 2,100 servicemen and women had died; estimates of more
than 20,000 wounded. The Pentagon has not released a count on how many
of the wounded have died of their injuries.
"As dimwitted as American teenagers are," a Mexican-American army
recruiter confessed to me in June in Pomona California, "they're not stupid
enough to fall for the crap we're selling to get them to go to Iraq or
Afghanistan. Don't quote me."
I'm quoting him, but omitting his name and rank. His parents came from
Sinaloa and settled in San Bernadino, where he grew up and decided to
make an army career after he dropped out of high school. "It pays OK and
I don't work too hard. I'd rather be here than in Iraq or Afghanistan.
I'll tell you that."
His partner, a young woman with sergeant stripes on her sleeve whispers
to him in Spanish. "Estas loco? No digas mas. No te chingas cabron." He
laughs.
Next to his recruiting table outside the university student center,
some undergraduates had set up a "de-cruiting" table, offering prospective
recruits "the facts about the US military," including the numbers of
dead and wounded that the two wars had already exacted. In addition, the
anti-military students "clarified" some of the army's promises about
loans and other benefits, were far less than the military had promised.
They had statements from some returning wounded veterans to the effect
that the army had docked their pay and cut their benefits.
The sergeant made no attempt to counter the students at the adjoining
table. He handed out pamphlets, shook hands and laughed. "It's my job. I
have a quota of kids to recruit, so what the Hell."
Hell, indeed. That word has spread even to those black and Latino
communities that have traditionally supplied more than their share of youth
for the US military's frequent overseas and violent excursions.
For "illegal" Mexicans or those who want a quick route to citizenship,
the military holds a strong attraction. Since Mexico provides the
closest and most logical recruiting arena, Mexican "illegals"
numerically outstrip all other Latin Americans living in the United States and in Iraq itself. Some 8000 Mexicans have now volunteered for
official military service (John Ross, Counterpunch February 21, 2005).
Mexicans and those of Mexican descent make up more than half of the
approximately 110,000 Latinos mostly, Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, and
Central Americans currently serving in the U.S. military. In addition,
almost 25,000 other Mexicans have enlisted as a means of obtaining US
citizenship. Coyotes smuggled some of these Mexicans into the country as
children who never had any "legal" documents.
The recruiters target high schools with heavy population of Mexican
descent. The Marines have had particular success in their forceful
publicity campaign. They claim that youth of Mexican origin make up 13% of the
Corps. But that high percentage of Latinos also shows up in the high
dead and wounded count.
Even before the bloody November 2004 battle of Fallujah which exacted a
heavy toll, Mexican families began to feel the pain of war. The dead,
the legless, armless, eyeless and brain dead wounded began to come home.
On both sides of the Rio Grande, Mexican parents shared a common
anguish. 122 Latinos were among the first 1000 U.S. casualties in Iraq. 70 of
them were of Mexican descent.
On December 24, 2004, the day before Christmas, Sergio Diaz Varela died
in Ramadi. His family and friends attended his funeral in Guadalajara,
where "armed troops from Fort Hood, Texas led by General Ken Keene
accompanied the young soldier to his final resting place, and U.S.
ambassador Tony Garza commended the boy's soul to God" (John Ross,
Counterpunch, Feb 21, 2005).
Similar funerals took place in San Luis de la Paz, Guanajuato and in
the Altos de Jalisco. On the invasion day, the first GI killed was
Mexican American. Fernando Suarez del Solar, father of Jesus, a resident of
Escondido, California, spoke in Spanish.
The 48 year old man, slight of build, said he had immigrated from
Tijuana 1997. He now worked as cashier at a convenience stores and delivered
newspapers.
He began hesitatingly. "El dia de hoy estoy aqui demandando el retorno
inmediato de nuestras tropas,"
he told a student audience at the California State Polytechnic
University in California. "Yo perdi a mi hijo, a mi Guerrero Azteca, Jesus
Alberto, por negligencia del comando Americano en Irak en esta guerra
ilegal llena de mentiras del presidente Bush."
As he spoke he seemed to gain confidence and strength.
"Ustedes saben que mi hijo muere por pisar una granada "AMIGA," una
granada puesta la noche anterior por el Army y nunca avisaron a la unidad
de mi hijo y les dieron la orden de avansar y como mi hijo era el
explorador piso una de ellas y duro casi tres horas para recibir atencion
medica, para que un helicoptero llegara con auxilio. Esto es una muestra
de nuestro ejercito invensible? Es una muestra de la proteccion que les
dan a nuestros muchachos?" A tear of grief or rage or both fell onto
his cheek.
He got no answers from the Pentagon. So, he traveled to Iraq to find
the truth about his son's death. He joined Military Families Speak Out.
With other relatives of dead and wounded servicemen and women, he speaks
and organizes against the war.
Fernando Suarez does more than ask God for help.
"Señor Bush," he shouted to a California student group in the Fall of
2004. "Cuantos hijos de nosotros nesecita para llenar su tanque de
gasolina? Cuantos hijos americanos muertos nesecita para parar esta guerra
llena de mentiras? Yo no quiero mas muertes de nuestros hijos de sus
padres, esposos. paremos esto YA!!! Señor Bush, espero que dios le
perdone, porque yo no puedo."
who was 6 when she traveled through the Southern California desert with her mother to enter America illegally. "Nobody can kick me out of here.
My rights will be defended."
In exchange, Quintero-Espinoza and her comrades assumed
responsibilities and risks, including being sent to fight in Iraq or Afghanistan. Phone,
24, the airman first class who came from Burma in 2002, didn't hesitate to
volunteer to serve a nation willing to help him get ahead in life.
"I would be grateful to meet somebody who offers you what you want" in
return for accepting an obligation, said Phone, who became a citizen
about
two years after enlisting. "That's fair -- totally fair -- I think."
A history of service
That deal, with the promise of naturalization, has appealed to millions
of
immigrants and the military throughout American history. The Army, in
particular, has sought out and relied on immigrant recruits, especially
during wars.
In the 1840s, almost half of all recruits were not U.S. citizens, said
Conrad Crane, director of the Army Military History Institute at the
Army
War College in Carlisle, Penn. "They're just right off the boat,
basically."
During the Civil War, the government promised citizenship to
immigrants,
and recruiters sailed overseas to make the pitch. Noncitizens
constituted
as much as 20 percent of the 1.5 million-man Union Army.
"Some of them were attracted, of course, by glory; some of them by a
chance
for adventure," Crane said. "For a lot of them, citizenship is the
promise."
So many immigrants populated the ranks during World War I that the Army
was
dubbed the "American foreign legion" in Europe. After the war, an Army
unit
of 14 nationalities toured the United States to recruit immigrants,
touting
the promise of naturalization.
Many immigrants fought in World War II, but patriotism more than
citizenship drove enlistment, Crane said. Conscription also helped fill
the
ranks and continued to do so until the all-volunteer military returned
in
the 1970s.
Military resource
Given that history, Bush's executive order fast-tracking citizenship
was no
surprise, Crane said. With the Iraq war in its fourth year and military
recruiters struggling, speedy naturalization can attract volunteers and
is
a fitting reward.
"When times get tough to fill the Army and immigrants are available,
they're a resource," Crane said.
Despite raising enlistment bonuses and offering other new incentives,
the
Army has had a tough time attracting people. It missed its target last
year
by 6,600 recruits. April was its worst month effort since last summer.
The military typically accepts only U.S. citizens or legal residents.
Illegal immigrants have slipped in, in some cases with fake citizenship
or
immigration documents, said Stock, the U.S. military academy professor.
As a result of Bush's order, illegal immigrants serving honorably on
active
duty and meeting other requirements are eligible to apply for
citizenship,
Stock said. Also, a new law gives the military the authority to enlist
at
any time anyone, even an illegal immigrant, whose enlistment is deemed
"vital to the national interest."
"They could form a foreign legion right now," Stock said. "I get calls
all
the time from illegal immigrants who want to join the military."
For the most part, recruiters have not targeted noncitizens, said
Douglas
Smith, spokesman for the Army's recruiting command. Recruiting that
targets
populations of noncitizens likely accounts for at least some of the
noncitizen recruits, he said.
California's Army National Guard recruiters do not systematically seek
noncitizens, Guard officials said. They do point out that soldiers can
get
on the naturalization fast track, said spokeswoman Lt. Toni Gray.
"For us, noncitizens contribute valuable language and cultural
expertise,"
Gray said. "The value of their skills, however, is often surpassed by
their
sincere appreciation and commitment to our nation."
Noncitizens have been military standouts, according to a May 2005 study
by
the Center for Naval Analyses, a federally funded research organization
serving the military. For instance, they are about half as likely as
their
U.S.-born comrades to wash out before completing their enlistment.
The military's need for foreign-language speakers recently spurred the
Army
to relax enlistment requirements, including maximum age and English
proficiency, to attract people with such native skills, reported the
Center
for Naval Analyses.
Opposition
Not everyone is pleased at the prospect of increasing the number of
noncitizens in the military.
Among the critics is Krikorian, head of the group that wants stricter
immigration controls. What concerns him is the potential for the
combination of military needs and political pressure from immigration
advocates to widen the ranks and expand benefits for noncitizens.
"This is one of those feel-good issues, at least for politicians," he
said.
"There's no reason that it wouldn't be tacked on to an immigration
bill, if
one were to come up."
Krikorian hasn't much of an argument, says Rep. Hilda Solis, D-El
Monte,
who favors expanded benefits for noncitizen soldiers. The California
congresswoman said immigrants have proved their value to the military
and
have earned their benefits.
"I think he's barking up the wrong tree," Solis said.
Spc. Cristianne Silva, 29, said enlisting in the California Army
National
Guard helped her complete a journey that began eight years ago, when
she
left her native Brazil and illegally entered America in search of a
better
life.
After cleaning houses and doing other jobs, Silva hired an immigration
lawyer and became a legal resident. She learned that her military
service
could help her become a citizen after she joined the Army in 2003 and
was
sent to Iraq.
"I'm still, actually, kind of shocked that I have accomplished this,"
said
Silva, who was naturalized in April in Sacramento.
"After so long of dreaming, now, finally, I can say: Yes, I am a
citizen."
Times staff writer Steven Harmon contributed to this story. Reach Dogen
Hannah at 925-945-4794 or dhannah@cctimes.com.
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